An interview with Mr. Neritan Ceka, a protagonist in the events at the United Military School on February 22, 1991

Aleanca

December 29, 1995

Does history teach us?

Widely reported in the press covering the political situation, the coup attempt at the United Military School in February 1991 has remained a mystery, approached by justice only when required by politics.

But even in these cases, it was not that serious. It seems that “the coup d’état of the United Military School” counts more for political propaganda than for finding out what really happened and who was responsible for the confrontation of those days.

The main representative of the DP at that event was Mr. Neritan Ceka, who on behalf of the DP denounced the coup attempt at that place, where Enverist history was prevailing, and was asked to testify about that several months after the case was brought to court. “RD” journalist Genc Tirana, who reported on those events for the newspaper, was not asked to testify. Mr. Ceka was called in the General Prosecutor’s Office, where he testified. His testimony was also recorded on a cassette – he keeps it.

When considering this dangerous event, it is interesting to point out that neither then nor now have attempts been made to free the structures of Public Order, National Security and Army from politics, which verifies the pessimistic thesis that “history teaches nothing to nobody.”

“Several days ago you were called to the Tirana Prosecutor’s Office, where you were asked to testify about the events at the United Military School on February 22, 1991. How do you explain the delayed interest in justice for these events?

Bringing the organizers of the coup d’état of February 22, 1991 to the court was one of the main commitments of the DP to justice. Negligence regarding this commitment can be explained by the fact that those who have remained in the DP and who govern Albania today have had no time to keep the promise towards justice because they have considered doing justice against their former friends more important and honest than being guided by the law. Now that the responsible people for the coup d’état have left Albania, this investigation will be part of the propagandistic serial of coffees of the dictatorship.

How would you, as a witness but also as a protagonist of this event, politically consider February 22, 1991?

It was for sure one of the most dangerous days, which could have marked the beginning of a civil war in Albania. The fall of the statue of the dictator on February 20; the triumph of students’ hunger strike; and the prevention of the confrontation between the crowd and police forces, as well as with the Guard of the Republic at Lana Bridge on February 21, showed that the DP had the situation in the capital under full control. Under the pressure of these events, the Labor Party and Ramiz Alia were fully paralyzed and it became clear that the country would peacefully take part in the March 31 elections – the DP’s victory.

The most conservative forces of the Party of Labor dressed in military uniforms were mobilized against this prospective. An organizing commission headed by the officer Agim Bajraktari discharged the commander of the United Military School and the Military Academy on February 22, armed hundreds of students, sent and received delegates from the military units of Tirana and other districts, wrote an ultimatum and sent it to Ramiz Alia, RTV, the Minister of Defense, the Minister of Interior, DP, etc. The essence of this ultimatum was to bring political life in the country under the control of the army. That commission also called the political parties and representatives of the government in a meeting at the United Military School premises with the presence of television. Mr. Agron Cika and I represented the DP in that meeting. We also took Abdi Baleta with us as the secretary of the Human Rights Forum. The Republicans did not come, while the counselor for the army at the Central Committee represented the Party of Labor. Present also were representatives from the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Interior, the National Front and the 15 members of the Organizing Commission.

Could you tell us how the meeting was?

The officers of the Organizing Commission, but also the representatives of the Party of Party, the National Front and the ministries who supported them, were very aggressive. They were also supported by the shouts of hundreds of armed students gathered in the square behind the school building. My main duty as DP representative was to denounce the so-called initiative as a military coup d’état and I did that. I asked for the disarmament of the students, while the command of the school and the units involved in this movement should obey the order of the Minister of Defense and the Commander General of the Army, who should commence their duties in compliance with the constitution. I was also against the demand to replace the statue of Enver Hoxha in the center of Tirana and to hold a referendum on his figure. By the end of the meeting, Abdi Baleta supported me by presenting the juridical arguments. So, the commission was paralyzed and the military officers’ goal to subdue the political forces failed in that meeting. Of course, the whole people, who was determined not to have a back-slide, supported our stand. Hundreds of people, upset that the military had decided to transport the statue of Enver Hoxha from the school to the center of the city, had gathered in front of the school building.

How did the skirmish at the United Military School begin?

While we were discussing, the forces of the notorious unit no. 326 shot in the air and attacked the people staying in front of the school building. This panicked the armed students, who began to shoot towards the windows of the flats nearby, injuring two people. Following that, police forces also panicked and they began to pursue the “dark forces,” propagandized by the Party of Labor and RTV for several months. The consequences were tragic: one policeman was accidentally killed by his friends; and two innocent citizens died. Some tens of citizens, among them the football referee Fiqiri Haxhiu, were arrested and cruelty beaten.

How did that event come to an end and who prevented its consequences?

The DP demonstrated balance and seriousness in that event. The following day, on February 24, hundreds of young people with bottles of diesel and dynamite besieged the school building and blocked Dibra Street. That scared the military and made them recover their professional consciousness. A delegation from the school command came to DP headquarters and a group of remarkable DP leaders, Azem Hajdari and Aleksander Meksi, were sent to calm the people, with the condition that the Organizing Military Commission be dissolved and the command of the school resume control.

Do you think that coup d’état at the United Military School was an isolated event or does it reflect a spiritual situation of the armed forces?

I should say that in the framework of the armed forces, the coup d’état was an isolated attempt, and this was one of the main reasons it failed. This coup d’état was not supported by the personnel of the Ministry of Defense or the commands of the main military units deployed near Tirana. However, nobody can say what would have happened if DP was not determined and if all people had not objected.

How do you consider that event now, four years after?

Personally, I feel I did a civil duty and I am convinced that most military taking part in the event got a very good lesson and they consider the relations between the army and politics differently. I would welcome the initiative of the Prosecutors’ Office to consider that event in two directions.

First, it is never late to find the guilty persons who encouraged and caused that event, where at least there were three casualties, and some others were wounded. This cannot be neglected.

The current military of Albania should also learn from this very good lesson. They should understand that their profession is related to the state and not to the power. In truly democratic countries the armed forces are depoliticized, and they obey only the constitution and law. The military remain in their positions regardless the change of powers and the parties having them.  Unfortunately, during the mandate of the Meksi government, there’s been a criminal attempt to politicize the armed forces. Certain segments of these forces are pursuing the opposition.

Five years ago, the Party of Labor and its Senior Secretary, who was also the Commander General of the Army, stigmatized the military by considering the DP as a dark force. In fact, now those officers have been brought to the court. Two weeks ago, the DP chairman Sali Berisha, who is also the Commander General, considered the leaders of the Democratic Alliance as enemies of democracy. While a year earlier the Minister of Defense, Safet Zhulali, asked the military forces to vote for the Commander General in the referendum. I hope that the police forces, National Information Service, and the armed forces will not respond to these appeals to be involved in a party or personal political issues. This is a proper and relevant lesson taught from the failed coup d’état at the United Military School.

Cassette of the meeting

“Bloodshed is a matter of hours unless we start …”

Agim Bajraktari, chairman of the Organising Commision speaks.

Now we have made a social appeal, considered reasonable, to set up an organizing group to command a crowd, which actually cannot be commanded either by political parties or the government. The reasons to set up this organizing group are: to command this crowd and that recently in our country many bad things, which people don’t want and which are not good for the nation, have been introduced. First of all this organizing group protects the interests of the people and the country. We are at the edge of a catastrophe. Here in this garrison besides the telegrams of solidarity from all the military schools and military units of Tirana we have also received other telegrams from Vlora, Gjirokastra, Tropoja and Tirana, from all the military units and they agree with this organizing group. There are some problems, which the organizing group would like to clarify. We, the organizing group, are for the democratization of the life in the country, for the pluralism, for joining Europe. But how will we join it? We don’t want to join it the way applied until now. We will take measures to join Europe according to a plan, not after five or ten years. An unsafe situation is created in the country: murders have been committed; different objects (buildings) have been destroyed; depots, and precious goods have been looted; and finally – the fall of the monument of Enver Hoxha in the center of the city. Enver Hoxha is the greatest historical figure of our country, who succeeded in realizing the biggest unification of our country, according to the left Dutch. For this reason we have stated in our program, which is distributed to all the organizations in the country, that we are for the de-politization of the army. We don’t want to belong to any party. We obey to the law, rules, and discipline. We want to join Europe without shedding blood. Now there is a problem: all the political parties have been distanced from the vandalistic actions. This number of people, as the history shows, can be big, but it can also be small. So far we have had no order from the Labor Party, the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Defense, we have not an order like that. We are unsatisfied with these bodies. We are unsatisfied with the President of the Republic. So we would appreciate if comrade President or other comrades working with him came here. We don’t want bloodsheds and we would like to join the European Union as all the parties declare. Who will keep the responsibility for all these vandalistic actions? I think that a national referendum should be developed for the figure of Enver Hoxha. To respect him as much as the people decides; as a historical figure, as the leader of the National Liberation War. We are not for policies of a year (short-term policies). The Labor Party should not also. Destruction of Enver Hoxha’s statues into pieces does not demonstrate any model of cultured people. Only the cannibals can behave like that. As we said above there are telegrams from Tropoja, Kukes, Peza, saying that depots have been looted and they had kept arms in hand, the same as in the United Military School and the Military Academy; let us arm the people. We implore all the leaders of the parties, organizations and state institutions to avoid the blood shed in our country. That is a matter of hours, unless we start an intensive commitment, come to the same opinion and prevent bloodshed. We, I mean the army, have completed our mission, we have obeyed to all the orders and we are very indignant; it’s about 8-9 months that we have constantly been insulted. As we have emphasized, we have sacrificed everything; our privileges, our youth and our lives to protect our country. For these reasons the people want us to react, if this is really the duty of the army. We have our complaints against the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Defense and we do not agree especially with the President regarding the events of yesterday. We will ask a confrontation with the president-the Ministry of Interior-the Ministry of Defense. Why is the people deceived? Why are laws enacted? Why are laws not enforced? Why is the army left in shadow? Now let us listen to the opinions of our comrades. We also have our complaints against the TV, which lately and more precisely yesterday did not present the situation in the whole Albania. Why is Tirana changed into a sinking ship? Why are the Albanian people suffering spiritually? In fact it is a matter of moments or hours and the war can start all over Albania. I don’t say that for panic or pressure. People will kill us, the government, the parties and everyone. Let’s not demonstrate a poor culture. We are in Europe; the greediness for power should not close our eyes. We respect the representatives of the political parties, but we didn’t appreciate Mr.Pashko’s statement in television, (maybe it is not the right moment), that the army destroys the ecology. I don’t know in what circumstances he said that, but the people listened to that, the army listened to that too. Now I have an idea, let all of us discuss, and reach a conclusion. We are for the elections to be held on March 31 and we should approach them without committing any murder. We do not want bloodshed. But we don’t also want our sisters and brothers not to be safe, so this is the reason we want to set up the organization, the organizing commission, not to have things like that. Let us please discuss now and let us make a common statement at the end.

“I would consider a coup d’etat any attempt to oppose the constitution.”

– Speech of Neritan Ceka, DP representative.

I think that before meeting the students we should resolve problems here. This is an initiative of the organizing group.  If this initiative has to do with what this comrade said, I think it does not comply with the appeal.

I think that first of all the duty of a military man is to obey to the constitution and the Commander General. If you ask us to come here, while your officers and students are armed, I think you do not obey the constitution, the people or the president. Albanian people have a very safe strong point here in Albania and that is the president, if he protects the constitution, and I think Ramiz Alia has so far protected that. Speaking also on behalf of DP I would consider a coup d’etat any attempt to oppose the constitution and Ramiz Alia. This should be clear and on behalf of the DP I firmly support this.

If you come here on behalf of an unrestrained crowd, as you already said, who do you represent than? If you represent the students outside, you have to come here with the authority of their opinions. So if you ask us to come here, than you should have also authority on those people. Do not ask us to confront those people, if you have not clarified your ideas. I think that most of the ideas presented here are right. Your concern is right and I agree that our army and our military students have a heart beating for their people under their military coats. We should all accept that. On the other hand I think that the situation presented as tragic, in fact is not. Listen, Albania is going towards democracy and it is not a process without pains and losses. We should bear in mind that if there is any people in Europe going through this process with less pains, that is Albania. There is no political murder; no big political crimes; no big political objections; so do not make it that tragic. Generally we all agree to develop democracy. Ask some of your students to leave the arms and have a walk in the streets of Tirana and they will see that Tirana is calm. (Don’t interrupt me please.) Police forces have the situation in Tirana under control, and this is due to the consensus of the whole people, not the parties, (the parties may say something today, and something else next day). They have it under control, because people’s desire and the desires of everyone here is to join Europe, so to join where we really belong to, because we actually are in Europe. The most vital issues of our era (country) are democratically resolved. We cannot exclude excesses, but we cannot stop the march to democracy. This should be clear. The historical figures cannot be established or removed by a referendum. I say it would be wrong to urge our people to decide on that until the deadline you suggested, it would not serve to the nation. He has his place in the history, and I think that if one of the alternatives won 60% and the other 40%, we would not allow this 40% to have their own opinion. Hence, let us not exaggerate things. Let us not confuse the democratic movement with the excesses and the people who pretend to be democrat, but who in fact are pseudo-democrats.

I think if we do something like that, we would make a mistake. It is not our right to evaluate the figure of Enver Hoxha in a referendum. The history does not allow us. The main request stated here I think is to free the army from politics, not simply from parties. There should be no party organizations within the army, either Democratic Party, or Ecologic Party or Labor Party. This request will be covered in the constitution, but policy should also be taken out of army texts, walls, etc. this does not mean that the de-politicized soldiers and officers will become machine. He is a man and he will not be excluded from the political life, but when he is in a military uniform and when he has the arm in hands, he has to obey to the constitution, the supreme law and the Commander General. He has to obey to him. If we say, we will do what the nation asks us to, we should start now. We have to be free from politics since this moment. You require de-politicization, but on the other hand you want to impose yourselves to the president; you want to impose to the police forces and I think the police forces have been very serious and correct. They have won the sympathy of not only the parties, but also of people. (Voices.) I am expressing my opinion; you may express yours. We should not accompany your soldiers to Skanderbeg Square and restore order. The order is restored, when the law, the constitution and the president are respected. We all agree on that. Who does not obey to the president, violates the law and if we violate the law, there is no March 31.

Klan

October 15, 2000

On October 18, the day Ramiz Alia will be 75 years old, he will be in a surgery ward of a clinic in Boston. But this does not worry him at all, and the only thing he would not like to do is to complain about health, as any person of his age would do.

“Feasts and birthday parties do not make any impression on me. For me, it is important that at the end of this life I have no debts to anybody. And it seems to me that, so far, I have no debts. I fought since I was 16 for the same ideals that I believe even today, and along the way I have never thought of making a fortune, not even having a house of my own. But this does not make me feel bad, on the contrary….”

The only present Alia gives to himself this birthday, is the book “Talking about Albania,” a long interview – questions and answers –  about 250 pages that was just published in Greece.

During these ten years Alia, a publicist, the author of three other books post 1990, knows something for sure. No matter how and how much he writes, he is not completely reliable for the Albanian readers, who expect something more from him.

“They think that we have been developed through a great number of secrets, which can be revealed only by me. But I have told all that happened, and now I have nothing else to tell but gossip in order to become more interesting. But perhaps they are really expecting some gossip or curiosities. Or they may think that because somebody likes to think that Enver Hoxha was a murderer, a dictator, that I should also say so. When I say that I have not known him as such, they say to me that I’m hiding something or I’m lying. Not mentioning then the ones who say that I am asking for political asylum, taking with me all the secrets and mysteries of so many years. In order not to make them waste time and ink, now I say that I will be back in Tirana on October 25.

Something else Alia does not like to do is self-criticism. “Why should I always criticize the past using the logic of today. They were other years, other ways of thinking. If we consider the past, we should analyze it with the logic of that time.”

He does not comment on Enver Hoxha either. He keeps repeating that he knew an Enver, who was self-conscious until the last day, and who had nothing in common with the personage they want to create for him.

Klan: All the questions for you to answer have to do with the change of systems and the declaration of pluralism….

Ramiz Alia: I do not know what hasn’t been said yet. I feel a strange desire of everybody for me to tell what in fact did not happen. So, I should say how I brought Berisha, how I created the DP, etc. I as a President accepted the pluralism of thought and the political pluralism. Later, I encouraged the creation of the parties, but I did not take part and I could not take part in the history of their creation. That is regarding the DP, while regarding the SP, things are different. I had known Nano since the stage of changes within the Party of Labor and I considered him promising. In fact, I appointed him as prime minister while the Party of Labor still existed. When the Party of Labor changed into the Socialist Party, the congress of the party elected him to be the head, but I had the opinion that he was the most appropriate candidate.

Klan: Ten years have passed since then. Who are the people you regret selecting?

Ramiz Alia: It can be judged now with the logic of another time. Every time has its own logic. However, during these 10 years these people have demonstrated characteristics that I did not know then, and the time did not prove them. For example, Fatos is very ambitious. This is not a bad thing, but when this vice surpasses the limits, it becomes problematic for a leader.

Klan: What is your impression for the candidates for the Municipality of Tirana?

Ramiz Alia: Besnik Mustafaj showed that he was not a politician. In reality, a writer does not know how to do politics. The writer thinks that the events develop the way they develop in his books and he gets confused. He remains sensitive, sentimental, while politics is cold and well-calculated. It has nothing to do with the emotions but only with the cold logic.

Klan: With which period of ours could you compare the recent events in Belgrade?

Ramiz Alia: With 1997 in Albania, when the popular movement demanded the fall of Berisha and, even more than Milosevic did, Berisha released the army and the police. Berisha could have died politically since then, but the Socialists did not allow that, and that’s not because they did not like to, but because of the pressure from abroad. I would not wish and believe that the end of Milosevic could also be prevented like that. I would consider that impossible.

Klan: It is obvious the attention that the world has paid recently to Belgrade. What about Albania? What is the level of attention Americans to Albania?

Ramiz Alia: I don’t think that America caresses Albania, it has its own interests. In fact, in politics the game is played on the basis of interests. But there are interests, there is policy, and there is being interested. Politics is cold, it does not accept sentiments. America has its interests in Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosova, and the whole Corridor 8. That is why its policy is friendly. How much we know to profit from this, that is our problem and not America’s.Interviewed by Rudina Xhu

By Teodor Keko

Aleanca

May 28, 1994

Albania! Quite near Italy and Greece. An ancient country but with very few ancient relics, it continues to remain a land unknown by most of Europe. Perhaps the famous Albanian writer Ismail Kadare explained the character of this people well in his books, where it is seen theoretically by the critics as an interlacing of the real and unreal, which practically is the complicated character of the Albanian.  It is separated in two parts – even in two different minds – Albanians are the people with the most meaningful symbol, the double-headed eagle on their flag.

For many people what we do is not understandable. On March 25, 1992, 75% of the votes were given against the Socialists, but exactly four months later, in the local elections, 50% of the votes were given to the Socialists. It was a victory that should have been deeper if we consider what was said about the July elections: that they were manipulated in Fier etc. It is difficult to understand what made people change their minds so soon, when the new government had no more than 100 days of existence.

It is said that Albanians have a sense of smell. There is even a proverb that says that rotten things smell soon.  Actually, they should have a sense of smell.  After two years of the governing DP under the flag of democracy, it does not seem like the staff of today’s politicians have many chances to remain on the political scene of the country. About the current politicians and ministers, the people of the capital do not speak well. The ministers are accused of embezzling large sums of money.  Some arrests have been made but silence and mystery shrouded these cases. Even when the freedom and independence of the press is in a desperate situation, RTSH, an institution dependent on the parliament, has become a spokesman of Berisha, and this is not noticed only by those who know Albanian. The opposition does not appear anywhere, even in the cultural programs.  Readers and viewers can easily notice that there are months during which the names of well known writers such as Neshat Tozaj, Dritero Agolli, A. Frangaj, N. Lesi… have disappeared. Pen names are being used in the most popular paper of the opposition, Zëri i Popullit.  The Albanian journalist calls this “creative democracy,” ironically comparing it with the “creative socialism” of Enver Hoxha. The fact that the press is not free shows that the DP does not have a pure democratic concept. Some ministers of the DP have ordered their staff not to give information to journalists without their permission.

Even in the street you cannot say your opinion openly because you may have to deal with the secret service or, if you are a state official, you may lose your job. It is painful to hear the deputies of the DP addressing this opposition with: Shut your mouth!  We saw you for 45 years in succession…  It is exactly like the dictator’s language right after the war.  Shut up!  We saw you during the war…

No one has learned the lessons of history. Very few politicians know that democracy is made by the twin of position-opposition. The power of justice does not have the slightest independence. Berisha is person number one of the country, in full meaning of the word “one,” and does not like very much the independence of powers. A general prosecutor who tried to be independent was immediately fired.

The same things Albanians have said about Ruli, the former minister of finance, who presented an unconvincing resignation.

Most of the other political parties do not agree with the DP privatization policy and have said that they will not accept it in the future.  They say there is corruption, and the DP is grabbing all the country’s valuable property. If we add the unconvincing imprisonment of Nano, the fact that the Communist Party is illegal, the fact that the PAD is not legalized, the future of the DP will be gloomier still.

Albanians have understood this.  Some of them who are against the DP say that, even in 1996, the power must be given to the DP so as to avoid revenge. Another part says that the DP will not relinquish power without bloodshed. It can easily be proven that in Albania there is corruption and there is no legal state. Special stories can be written about the violations of human rights and press freedom, foreign policy, the paralyzed economy or Albanians’ tendencies to leave the country.  All of these and other important problems lead to the question: Where is Albania going?  What shall the opposition do in Albania?

Albania Newspaper

December 3, 2010

The student of December 1990, Arben Sulo, explains the history of his contributions to the movement of that year that would bring social change to Albania. He explains for the first time, and he sounds disappointed by developments on the political scene. Sulo talks about December 8, how he and two other people were arrested. He describes how it was decided to resist on December 9 and who the first professors and intellectuals were to express their support for the students to meet Ramiz Alia, why he gave his position to Pandeli Majko, even though he was not from his faculty, and why he regretted this decision later because Majko did not talk during the first meeting on December 11, 1990.

What is the open letter that you students sent to Prime Minister Adil  Çarçani at the end of the year 1990, exactly before the start of the protests?

An important step by our faculty was an open letter directed to Prime Minister Adil Çaçani at the start of the academic year. In that letter, requests were made to improve the living conditions and, at the same time, to democratize academic life. I am not really sure who was the first one to think of that letter, but I believe the idea came from Pandeli Majko, who at that time was the secretary of the college youth. It was written in collaboration with the students of the 5^th year of electrical engineering. This letter was a sensation and put into motion the governmental and party’s structures of that time. Some days before the celebration of November 28 and 29 1990, I was able to enable a partial strike of the faculty of electrical engineering with students from the second, fourth and fifth years, as a symbol of protest against the failure to provide the necessary living conditions for students. It was the first strike of this kind in a college. On the evening of December 8, 1990, I organized a meeting with the electrical and electrical engineering students in a building, where we informed the students that the conditions were not fully accepted. Events happened faster than we could imagine, reaching the highest level that night, December 8, 1990, with the students’ demonstration, where again our group was active.

On the night of December 8, the students protested, which made possible the first meeting with Ramiz Alia, so the students were not looking for the prime minister but for the president himself to hear their voice. What did you think these actions would make possible?

I did not have any clear ideas about the path and the development of the protest; it was spontaneous and I had not planned for a demonstration, I am always saying, according to me. I was near to Azem Hajdari when he climbed the bench and said more or less these words: “I have a son, who if I am killed will avenge my death.” From that moment, I always supported Azem – that night and also in the demonstration of December 9 where we were supported by Arben Lika. But there were other active students such as: Akil Fundo, Arjanit Nika, Alma Bendo, Abdyl Demirazi, Niko Kaciroti, Moza Ferraj, Ilir Dizdari, Shpetim Shkurti, Spiro Curra, Tan Asllani, Pal Serreqi, Dritan Shtylla, Agim Hasa, Renato Ndrecka, Ilirjan Paco, and many more.

Who do you remember at the protest?

I remember that Skënder Gjinushi came, who was the minister of education, and Lisen Bashkurti, the first secretary of the youth organization. They came to convince us to go back. I can remember an episode when Alma Bendo, a girl from Vlora, who had come to the protest in her pajamas, as she had been in her room, said something abrupt to Gjinushi like “Go away, you dog.” Pirro Kondi, the secretary of the Party of Labor of Albania for Tirana came. I can remember that from that moment they began to sing patriotic songs such as “For the Homeland.” The situation at the protest was getting more serious because the students began to chant different slogans.  Hekuran Isai, the interior minister, came later with a large four-wheeled car. Isai came out from the road where the group of students and police were, exactly where the road that leads to Student City meets the road that leads to the Artistic Lyceum.

How were you able to meet Ramiz Alia?

After they stopped us and did not succeed to make us go back, they communicated with Ramiz Alia. He agreed to see one of our representatives. It was around 11 to 12 p.m. Thirteen of the most active students were chosen to see the president. It was decided that the meeting would be in the central building of the university. The names that I can remember are: Azem Hajdari, Arben Lika, a Shpetim, Tan Asllani, and some other students. Azem told the students who were there that if he did not come back in three quarters of an hour that would mean that they had been arrested. We began walking from the road that led to the Artistic Lyceum and we went on foot towards the building of the main campus. On that road, troops of the special police were lined up, watching us closely. We arrived and they led us to classroom 209 of the Mechanical and Electrical Faculty. Initially, Xhelil Gjoni came and asked about something and we responded that we just wanted to see the president. He answered that “Comrade Ramiz was coming.” When Ramiz arrived, I remember that he sat in front of me, and he did not appear enthusiastic about meeting at that time. I remember that Azem was the first one who talked and said that the students wanted to talk to him. Ramiz responded that we the representatives had no mandate to speak in the name of the others, so he had to meet the students for economic requests. I answered that it was true that he had seen students, but they were not selected from the faculty or the large crowd of students. Before going on, he said that he agreed that this time the students could select their representatives. The meeting did not last long. I remember that Arben Lika and Arjan Nika said something and maybe even the others. As a conclusion, Ramiz agreed to see representatives of the students.

Although you met Ramiz Alia, violence was inflicted on you with the excuse of a stolen gun. Do you remember that moment and where did you end up?

After the meeting, we went towards Student City, where the crowd of students was. When we arrived there, we tried to explain to the students what we had agreed. I remember that Azem took a megaphone and he was talking to the students. At that moment, the “incident” with the stolen gun of an officer who was in the first row happened. I was close by when he said: “they are taking my gun.” I said: “go away from there because there is no need to keep the students.” I am convinced that the incident was invented, but at that time the command was given to shoot the students. The violence of the rubber batons broke out. The crowd retreated and began to scatter. Because some other people and I came from the Artistic Lyceum, after the meeting with Ramiz Alia, we were very close to the incident, but on the other side of the fence. It was good that in the first moment they did not hit us on our heads with the rubber batons but, on the other hand, I and two other people were arrested. One policeman grabbed my belt and pushed me violently in a van. The same thing happened to the two others. I think that one of them was from Pogradec and the other from Vlora , but I cannot remember their names. Two policemen, thirsty to use violence, got into our car.

Did they use violence on you?

No, because I immediately told them that we just had finished a meeting with President Alia, and that we had another meeting tomorrow and that if they were to inflict more violence on us, we would tell the president that the police had beaten us. Then they asked us “you met Comrade Ramiz, how did he treat you?” “Very well.” I answered. ”And he hugged us at the end of the meeting.” I saved myself from the kicks and punches that I might have gotten. From there they brought us to police station number 1, where they took our personal information and left us in a hallway, if I am not mistaken. After more than one hour, they let us go without asking any questions. We went to Student City and I saw that in the avenue, today the “Democracy“ avenue, there was a  group of students, among then Azem, Ben Lika, and some others that I knew. The ones that knew me were worried and Ben Lika said that he had screamed and pressured Hekuran Isai about the violence and arrests, which violated the agreement with Ramiz Alia. It was cold, a lot of the students had not had dinner, they had been beaten and offended, but all of us were more resolute than before to continue the protest. I remember than someone read a Declaration of Human Rights there in the cafeteria stairs. That group was the nucleus that kept the flame of that night alive, and that decided to make the big demonstration on December 9. That night, Azem Hajdari was chosen as head of the students’ group. Around 2-3 a.m., we began scattering into the buildings, agreeing to meet around 7 to decide what we would do.

What happened on December 9, 1990?

In the morning around 7 or 8 a.m., we met in front of the cafeteria, today the “Democracy” avenue. Even though it was Sunday, it was a school day because the day off on December 30 had to be covered. A lot of students were going to school, and that is why the first thing that we did was the return of the students who wanted to go to classes. During that morning, a commission was selected to decide and coordinate the movement. There it was said that Azem should not stay in the first row and that he had to be protected because was the most exposed person in this protest. Around 10 we began gathering to march to Tirana. When we began walking from Student City, somewhere up towards the city library, Arben Lika says to me: “Ben, put your arm around Azem because they want to kill him…” We, the two Bens, stayed on both sides of Azem. Near the Artistic Lyceum was the row of special forces, who blocked our way. An officer, who was wearing civilian clothes and had a radio in his hands, was on the other side of the Lyceum sidewalk. He left the others and came toward Azem. A person who I think was named Rrema called the officer to go back and he related that to the Kosova case. We learned that he was a close cousin of Azem. Azem replied that he would not go back.

When did the violence start that day?

It started at the moment when the armed forces of the police managed to convince us to go back to Student City. At that moment, the violence started and the demonstrators scattered. A lot of people were injured, and I remember one who was bleeding, Agim Hasa, student of the 5^th year of electrical engineering, and others who were arrested; for example, Adi Petrollari.

From December 9 to December 10 a complete vacuum was created. From the sensational events of Sunday on the 9^th, nothing was happening on December 10^th, and furthermore you lacked support. When did it come and who where the first ones to support you?

I will begin from the end of the question. On the morning of December 9, Gramoz Pashko came to support us. He met some of his students. Immediately after the scattering of the  students of the demonstration, in the evening of the same day, Sali Berisha with Kujtim Çashku and Besnik Mustafaj came to Student City, and on December 10^t Arben Imami, who was a professor at the Academy of Arts, came. Imami talked to the students in the cafeteria where they had gathered, while more professors approached us in a direct or indirect way. After the demonstration, on the evening of December 9, the students gathered again and the commission that would plan the students’ demands was created. On December 10, we learned that Ramiz Alia would meet a delegation of the students. It was decided to elect a delegation of 50 students from each faculty. This number was reduced at the request of Alia. At the same time, December 10,Akil Fundo, Niko Kaciroti and Tefalin Maleshyti were charged to write out our final demands.

How many demands were there and what did they contain?

There were 11 demands, including the creation of a joint commission with students and doctors to investigate the violence that had been inflicted on the students, the denunciation of Hekuran Isai as directly responsible for the violence towards the students and also of  Lenka Çuko, who I think had spoken harshly with the students. Another demand was the creation of the initial committee to mobilize the resources of the government and the best human resources to save the country from the economic crisis. The fourth demand, but the main one, was the demand for political pluralism.

How were the students elected to go to the meeting with Ramiz Alia?

I took part in the election at the electrical engineering faculty. They were regular democratic elections. The idea of the election of the delegates was to select the best speakers who could debate with Ramiz Alia to ask for political pluralism with resolve and to argue for the demand. My name was mentioned along with other candidates in the meeting. With Petrit Beqiri’s insistence, our faculty friend, who had contributed a lot to the open letter addressed to Çarçani, we gave the position to Pandeli Majko. The reason was simple: he had come up with the idea of the open letter, that is why we wanted him to represent us in the meeting with Ramiz Alia and the other reason was that Pandi had not been elected by mechanical engineering, of which he was a part, and because he wanted to be part of the meeting no matter what, we selected him. In the same manner, a position was given to Arben Demeti, our former professor, who was very exposed when he threw out his membership card in the Party of Labor. Later I regretted not going to the meeting when I heard how the conversation had gone. Once I said to Pandi Majko: “I gave you my place to debate with the president but you did not talk at all.” He told me that “Shinasi Rama prevented me from the start of the meeting.”

Your name is in the list of the founders of the Democratic Party and you were one of those who collected the signatures to make this party official. How did you fill out the forms and were the people scared?

We needed 300 signatures to give the Ministry of Justice, and initially it was not easy. There were people who had participated or supported our protest, but when it came to sign or put down their passport number, they withdrew for different reasons. Their reasons were, “I am a supporter, but I do not want to be a member of the party.” I believe that they are people who participated in the second meeting with Ramiz Alia to request political pluralism and the creation of a party, but they did not join the party. I have noticed that some are absent, but I am sure that is because I took their signatures. I remember because they were my relatives, such as Alma Dajani, and I took her signature with Dritan Kociu, but her name could not be found.

Did you participate in the meeting where the initiating committee was selected for the creation of the Democratic Party, and who were the members selected?

The day of the creation of the Democratic Party is December 12, 1990.  They met in Gramoz Pashko’s house, with Sali Berisha himself, Arben Imami, Genc Ruli, Alexander Meksi. From the students there were just Azem Hajdari and Shinasi Rama. There they processed the minimal program of the Democratic Party, which Imami brought to Student City and read to us. It gave two alternatives for the name for the party, from which the name “Democratic Party” was selected by the cheering of the crowd. The next day, December 13, a meeting was held for the selection of the Democratic Party initiating committee.

What is your contribution for the Democratic Party?

I contributed with the collection of the signatures necessary for the legalization of the Democratic Party. Later, I created a section of the Democratic Party at the electrical engineering faculty, a section with more than 100 members. I have been to Elbasan with Dritan Kociu, who was from that city, and we came to talk about the Democratic Party and its program. In the city of Lushnja, I organized a meeting to support the party. I learned that Azem had talked to the activists of Lushnja  and had set a date for the meeting without consulting anybody, with that euphoria and impulsivity that characterized him. I was a member of the commission, and they had assigned me to take care of the city of Lushnja. When I learned that, I was alarmed, and I discussed this case in the commission. I talked to Sali Berisha, Gramoz Pashko and the others and I told to them that the rally had to be postponed. But they told me that the people in Lushnja already knew about it, so they gave me the duty to go to the city where the rally was organized. I left that night in a Vlora car, in which Afrim, Kreshnik Cipi and Alfred Zijai were travelling; they had come to the Democratic Party for the preparation of the Vlora rally, which would be in a few days. During that night, we gathered in Kujtim Gina’s house, and we called all those people who were supporting us or who had influence. The next day, the new branch of interior affairs was opened – we had permission for the rally after great insistence and pressure, although the law required that the permission had to be taken some days before a rally. After lunch we held the rally, which was successful. Later, I participated in the creation of the Democratic Party’s branch in Lushnja.

What recognition did you get for this contribution given in 1990 and 1991 and how did you end up in Italy?

Although we were young, some of us demonstrated a lot of abilities in the organizational work and for a short time we could be valuable. I am sorry that these abilities were underestimated, mostly by some “known” intellectuals who arrived later, and who not only moved us aside but also did not give something to the party. While I went to Italy, I went in April 1991, from December to January, for which we are talking; we also had other changes that are not a topic of this interview. To mention them briefly, I can say that in February 1991 came the second student movement, which culminated with a hunger strike, which was successful. At that time, in the organization of the Democratic Party we passed from the initial committee to the steering committee, and my place and the place of other students was taken by intellectuals such as Neritan Ceka, Shahim Kadare, and others. We had the first pluralist elections and the Shkodër massacre happened on April 2, where our friend, the student Arben Broci, was killed. On April 13, 1991 I went to Italy with a group of students of the movement, with the visas that Shinasi Rama provided in private ways. There, taking into consideration the fact that the university was closed, the Democratic Party was showing little interest in the initiatives of the students, the elections of March 1991 ended with the victory of the Party of Labor of Albania, and the battle and the struggle gave way to parliamentarian life, I decided to stay in Italy.

Were you conscious then that the events in which you participated would bring the change that they brought? Do you think now that some events were even invented to highlight the importance of some people who had nothing to do with the movement?

In the beginning, I began contributing to change something, without imagining to what extent it would change. With regards to your second question, from the way I have analyzed it, along with a lot of my friends, I have the conviction that there even were manipulated, prepared events. However, I think that the student movement does not fade but is an illuminated page of the modern history of our people. It is to pity that it is ignored in the history textbooks and only December 8 is remembered.

Speech by Preç Zogaj to the Democratic Party’s first National Congress

Rilindja Demokratike

October 2, 1991

Last year when the first intellectual opinions were published and when the people had hope for the coming democracy, so in 1990, which I consider a touchstone for the most efficient and qualified forces, the regime was challenged with life or death. It was proved that the candle of culture was not extinguished but, on the contrary, that the holy source of light was guiding our path towards a land of democracy and prosperity. Intellectuals, writers, artists, and journalists used their intelligence and courage to abolish the social and cultural policies of the party-state with its slavo-bolshevik principles and practices of the robot-man; the man who was a prison to himself; literature, which was a servant to the Party; the ordered art, etc.

Logical and new creativity, especially in poetry, painting, and writing, issued a death sentence to the so-called socialist realism. The attack on Enver Hoxha’s thesis, according to which the writers and artists help the party to carry out the communist education of the masses, marked the fall of his failed work. That was a signal for the revival of our nation. The people of culture completed their mission to guide and encourage future historical changes. These bearers of democracy naturally joined the student movement of December from the start; they protested together with them; they contributed to the foundation of the Democratic Party; they joined Azem Hajdari, Arben Imami, Sali Berisha, Gramoz Pashko, Eduard Selami, Arben Demeti and other organizers of the DP; they joined Frrok Çupi, Mitro Çela, Petraq Kolevica, Teodor Keko, Ilirian Zhupa, Kujtim Çashku and others to enable and support the publishing of the first opposition newspaper, Rilindja Demokratike. They were united to overthrow dictatorship and to build a democratic Albania. The massive participation of intellectuals, writers and artists in the democratic movement has encouraged people to approach the DP. At the same time, the DP’s vision of culture clears the way for qualitative developments and work as it is based on the freedom of expression and freedom of ideas. A new culture and art will be developed, incomparable in many aspects to what existed until now. While considering the inherited work, we should take care not to throw the baby out with the bath water. This is a typical cultural attitude as opposed to the total denial resembling a crusade, which is insulting to our people and history. As I have already said: none of us, and none of all those to come, has discovered this country only now. This inspires and should inspire the constructive orientation and realization of the DP. Based on our tradition, we should identify and develop some very important values, such as humanism, tolerance and mercy, understanding and justice, which were destroyed by the Labor Party using the class struggle. To this end, the contribution of everyone, especially the contribution of emancipated intellectuals is required.

I feel and I say that, as an evident and painful paradox of the democratic movement in Albania, many well-known young and old personalities of our culture, those who accelerated the process and those who were involved in the democratic revolution, are not seen lately at DP. In pluralist conditions everybody has the right to join the alternative that he or she appreciates; everybody can take his/her own decision on how and where to contribute to democracy. The alternatives are no longer imposed, and I don’t want to impose my opinion to anyone but, ladies and gentlemen, you can also notice that the representatives of literature, art and science are so few in this hall. At least for me, this is a major concern. And I hope and believe it is for you too, because everyone should seriously worry about this.

Where are those representatives of the Art Academy, those boys and girls who last summer in the conditions of a mono-party system gave one of the most open democratic lectures to the rulers of that period? Where are “the rebels of the Conference of Literature in Korça,” who publicly in the presence of the authorities protected Ismail Kadare, two days after official Tirana had condemned his departure in the most cynical and banal way? Where are our great future writers, so those students, who in a December night appealed for the demonstration, placed their courageous and clever friend, Mr. Azem Hajdari, at the head of the demonstration and turned towards Tirana? Where are those intellectuals who wrote the tragic truth in the newspapers and appealed: Open the windows!

All those people joined thre DP and Rilindja Demokratike at the beginning. They were a part of this Party, but it is really a concern to lose such supporters and members at a time when the aim is to attract new members and supporters to the Party.

We have declared that we will be and we should be an open party of the intellectual type. So, we can say that expelling members shows our shortcomings. I do not mean thieves and/or traffickers, who really deserve that. I mean common people and especially intellectuals, who are able to develop opinions and to be listened to widely.

The militants of the Labor Party were happy to expel intellectuals.

This hate came from their ignorance and their possessive attitude regarding their posts and titles. However, intellectual opinion and ignorance, these two irreconcilable notions, coexist in a very specific ratio. The first tries to give light to the second, while the second takes the first one away on purpose, though it declares itself as protecting the intellectual view.

I had to recall these facts to give an end to such intentions of preferring obedience to independent opinion. I should also say that any separation from intellectuals leads the parties towards the left. Finally, I would like to express my hope that Oriana Fallaci’s conclusion – “history teaches nothing to nobody” – will not be proved here.

Not to prove this conclusion as true and to have more light and space for intellectuals within DP, it is reasonable to ask: Why? Why are there so few intellectuals, people of art, culture and science in the DP branches? Why were there so few delegates from this contingent? Why do only mediocre level journalists write for Rilindja Democratike? Why are the qualified writers who worked at its beginning avoided?

Regarding this I would like to mention only the factors having to do with the role of the Party, which according to my opinion are:

Democracy within the party is not at the right level. The initiatives for dialogue and democratic debate have quite often been paralyzed using the argument of “the state security agent.” But how can an intellectual accept to be depersonalized closing his/her mouth and eyes before the party’s shortcomings, because if he/she acts differently they will be called an “agent of the Sigurimi”? How can the opinion and philosophy of a party develop in these conditions? Our country had a very bad experience on this point. And the people will not support us if this happens again. The people support us because they aspire for democracy, but they can abandon us if we disappoint their aspirations. Here a contradiction emerges between the party and culture, which agrees only with democracy. This contradiction can be resolved by enriching and encouraging the diversity of opinions within the party but based on the program of the party.

The people see us. The democratic culture of everyone and democracy within the party are what we will provide to the people when we have power. There cannot be two democracies: one for the party and one for tomorrow. Nobody believes this. So, I insist that in the name of attracting many people to the party we should further democratize the party and ourselves.

The diversity of the opinions and the existence of tendencies lead to more efficient and mature decisions, as opposed to the euphoria and spontaneity expressed in some declarations, which have deeply affected the DP. I think that any action or decision should be based on an analysis of the negative and positive effects. In this framework I think that the earlier elections issue should be discussed in a special meeting of the National Council, to be elected in this Congress, and where due consideration should be given to the economic, political, and social factors. This meeting will decide on the appropriate time for these elections, which we should win.

I know that writers, intellectuals, and artists are for democracy. Our attempt for the democracy constitutes a guarantee to attract them and I believe this will happen.

In the change of our historical epochs, a door has been opened for the DP. Let us pass through this door, as a French writer says, with our breast and not our back.

Newspaper of the Democratic Party

Summary of Key Articles – curated and translated by Prof. Artan Puto

4 January, front page, has an editorial on the first anniversary of publishing RD. The piece accuses the government of hindering the paper and says that foreign friends, first of all from the U.S., will supply newsprint to enable publishing every day. The front page also has an article by Armand Shkullaku with the headline “One Year from the First Edition of RD,” in which he recounts publishing the first edition, prepared by the young journalists Blendi Fevziu and Ben Blushi and more experienced staff Frrok Çupi, Preç Zogaj, and Aurel Plasari.

4 January paper has an interview with Eduard Selami, secretary of the DP Steering Committee, with the headline “Serious Economic Reforms Can Only Come After the Opposition’s Victory,” given after he returned from a training course for politicians in the United States. He says market economy reforms cannot take place in Albania while a communist regime remains in place.

8 January, front page, has a statement by the Democratic Party in response to comments  by a representative of “OMONIA,” the Greek minority organization, that parts of Southern Albania should be included in Greece. The statement accuses Theodhori Bezhani of being “the propagator of Northern Epirus chauvinism.” (Note: Bezhani was tried and convicted in September 1994 for espionage with four other OMONIA activists in what became a major point of tension between Albania and Greece and then Albania and the U.S.. For more on the U.S. concerns, see here, and for details on the case see here.)

8 February, page 2, has an interview with Sali Berisha given to the French newspaper Figaro. He speaks about the policies he would implement if the DP came to power, as well as the idea of “Greater Albania.” The same page has some short news items about DP rallies in various cities. In Kuçove, the U.S. diplomat Chris Hill was also present and gave a speech. According to the newspaper, he said that “the US government will not support whatever government comes to power, but only the genuine democratic forces.”

8 February paper has an article by Petrit Kalakula entitled “What the DP Will Give to the Farmer.” The author says the DP will recognize the right for farmers to own land, will modernize agriculture, and introduce social benefits for farmers in some areas.

12 February, front page, has a report on the meeting of DP leader Sali Berisha with Kosovo leaders, including Rexhep Qosja and Idriz Ajeti, on holding a pan-national meeting of national reconciliation in Tirana. Berisha says this is feasible only after the victory of anti-communist forces.

15 February, front page, has a statement by Sali Berisha confirming that the DP will form a coalition with the Republican Party and Social Democratic Party for the upcoming elections. The coalition is necessary, he says, to win the elections and to ensure a broad base for the future democratic power. Page 3 has some DP electoral slogans related to rural areas. In response to Socialist Party claims that the DP will return land to the previous landowners, RD states that the land will remain for farmers and landowners will be reimbursed.

22 February, the whole paper, is dedicated to the electoral program of the DP.

26 February, front page and page 4, have an interview with Ismail Kadare in which he mentions a collective psychosis that appears in sudden situations of freedom.

29 February, page 3, has a list of “intellectuals” from Permet who support the DP. (Note: in the Albanian context, the term intellectual refers mostly to people who attained a higher education. During the communist period, these people were considered complementary to the party, with workers and the masses taking the lead. After the transition, political parties often wanted to recruit and highlight their “intellectual” supporters to gain credibility.)

29 February, page 4, has the second part of the Ismail Kadare interview with the headline “The Victory of the Opposition is the Order of the Day,” in which he declares his support for the DP.

11 March, front page, has the list of DP candidates who will run for the March 1992 elections.

15 March, front page, has a manifesto signed by 182 intellectuals who support the DP. Page 2 covers the press conference of Sali Berisha on the eve of elections. He speaks about freedom of the press, the future of Ramiz Alia, a lustration law (to ban former communist officials from office), and his already-expressed view that Albanians are “together responsible and together guilty” for the Hoxha dictatorship. He also mentions the plight of ethnic Albanians in Yugoslavia.

21 March, front page, has Berisha’s appeal to DP supporters, urging them to intensify their work for the electoral campaign and to be vigilant for possible manipulations by the Socialists.

24 March, pages 1 and 4, have the press conference by Berisha after the DP’s victory in the elections with the headline: “Albania Showed the World that It’s an Inseparable Part of the Family of Democratic Nations.” He urges Albanians to eschew revenge and work for the good of their country.

5 April, front page, has a short press release about Ramiz Alia’s resignation from the presidency. Page 3 has an interview with US ambassador Ryerson with the headline “Now Albania is a Free Country.”

11 April, front page, has the first speech of Sali Berisha as president to the parliament. All of page 4 is dedicated to Berisha, presenting him as a hero and “man of hope.”

Newspaper of the Democratic Party

Summary of Key Articles – curated and translated by Prof. Artan Puto

5 January – the first edition of RD. The front page lists the staff: editor-in-chief Frrok Çupi, head of the publishing council Preç Zogaj, members of the publishing council Petraq Kolevica, Ajet Haxhiu, Natasha Lako, Mitro Çela, Kujtim Çashku, Edi Hila, Ilirjan Zhupa, Teodor Keko and Genc Pollo. Pages 1-6 have a report written by Blendi Fevziu and Ben Blushi with headline “Four Great Days of the Students” about the four days of protests by Tirana University students that led to the legalization and formation of the Democratic Party. Pages 1-2 have the statement by the writer Ismail Kadare that he made after leaving the country in October 1990 with an introductory article by the Kosovar Rexhep Qosja. Page 3 has the draft statute and basic program of the Democratic Party. Page 5 has the speech Sali Berisha gave at the meeting to legalize the DP where he speaks about the factors that prompted changes in Albania, the importance of tolerance and a rejection of revenge, the sitution for minorities in Albania, and the Kosovo question. The same page has an interview with Gramoz Pashko, who explains the DP’s economic strategy.

9 January, front page, has an article entitled “A Difficult Saturday” about pressure against the first DP activists in various towns as they try to organize rallies. The front page also has a short report on a meeting that Ramiz Alia had with DP representatives about postponing the elections, which the DP was demanding. Page 4 has an interview with Besnik Mustafaj given to VOA on 13 December with the headline “The Albanian People Deserves Democracy.” Mustafaj calls for the depoliticization of the Ministries of Interior and Justice and says he supports the appeal of Ramiz Alia that “our people need a contemporary democracy.” Page 6 has an interview with Abdi Baleta, secretary of the Forum for Human Rights, who sets out the objectives of this organization, founded shortly after the DP’s legalization.

Newspaper of the Albanian Party of Labor

Summary of Key Articles – curated and translated by Prof. Artan Puto

7 January, page 3, has an article by Nasi Mitrojorgji entitled “Freedom of Thought and the Risks of Its Degradation.” The author expresses concern about abuses with freedom of thought and the resultant social problems.

11 January, front page, has an interview with Ismail Kadare in which he considers national reconciliation an important step for the unification of Albanians.

13 February, front page, has a statement by President Alia on the elections planned for 22 March.

14 February, pages 1 and 3, have an article entitled “Don’t Play with Albania Anymore!” accusing head of the Albanian service of Voice of America, Elez Biberaj, of being a partial political analyst who supports Sali Berisha. Those pages also have the speech of Servet Pellumbi, vice head of the SP, who argues in favor of the party for the upcoming elections.

15 February, front page, has a short statement from the president’s spokesperson that Mother Theresa has been granted Albanian citizenship. Pages 1 and 3 have an interview with Namik Dokle, ex-chairman of the Socialist Party parliamentary group, who reflects on the role of the SP during the first year of pluralism.

16 February, front page, has an article by Hamdi Jupe entitled “The Opposition Troika United for the Elections of 22 March.” He writes about the coalition of the opposition parties – Republicans, Social Democrats and Democrats – calling it a sign of weakness in the face of the SP.

16 February, page 4, has a long interview with two top SP officials, Spiro Dede and Shaqir Vukaj, who participated in the first congress of the Party for Democratic Prosperity in Macedonia (Partia për prosperitet demokratik, PPD). The headline for the interview is “The Fate of Albanians in the Hands of Albanians.”

20 February, front page, has a statement from the Socialist Party spokesman who criticizes the position of Kosovars Bujar Bukoshi, Ibrahim Rugova and Adem Demaçi who said that Albanians should vote for the DP.

23 February, front page, has a statement by the SP Steering Committee protesting what it called “the terror against the Socialist electorate and pressure to vote for the opposition.”

26 February, almost the whole paper, has the electoral program of SP. The front page also has a press release from the office of the president about allegations on Albanian TV about a possible transfer of large amounts of gold reserves from the Albanian national bank to Swiss banks in late 1990 and early 1991. Page 4 has an article entitled “The Yellow Check” also dealing with the issue of the Albanian gold.

28 February, page 3, has an article by Kastriot Islami entitled “New Democracies and the Necessity for Good Understanding.” He argues that Albania needs a kind of democracy defined by “good understanding” as opposed to dominance by the majority.

29 February, front page, has an article by Sedat Braja with the title “Let’s Try with the PD Now,” in which he claims that the electorate wants to give its vote to the DP only because they want a new political force after 46 years of PLA rule.

1 March, page 2, has an article by Agim Muçaj with the title “To Whom Belongs the Land,” which analyzes the DP’s electoral program with regards to property. The DP wants to take land from peasants and give it to ex-landowners, the article says.

3 March, page 3, has an article with the title “Forced Justification of an Unfounded Statement,” which replies to a recent statement by the Forum for Human Rights about the parliament’s decision not to allow minority parties.

5 March, front page, has an article by Perparim Xhixha entitled “Decisive Days,” in which he links the DP with chaos and anarchy and the SP with stability and rule of law.

6 March, front page, has an article about the Socialist Party program before elections: “The victory of the Socialist Party will open the way for the social market economy, invigorated production and private initiative, fruitful co-operation with foreign partners, and victory of work against anarchy. Its program of contemporary democratic socialism will open prospects for the achievement of European standards.” Page 2 has an article written by “Hasan Hoxha” entitled “Thoughts in Favor of Self and Family” with the sub-headline: “The Return to the Old Land Borders Is an Unchanged DP policy… Vote for the Socialist Party as You Vote for your Land.” (Note: the argument is that the Socialist Party will defend peasants from a DP policy that aims to give their land to former landowners.)

6 March, page 3, has an article by Agron Gani entitled “Is the DP a Party of the Masses.” The article argues that the DP is not the party of the under-privileged as it claims.

8 March, front page, lists the candidates of the Socialist Party for the March elections.

10 March, pages 1 and 4, have an article by Luan Rama entitled “Anarchy – The Threshold of Dictatorship.” The author suggests that the DP supports the chaos and anarchy that erupted on the eve of the elections. A long sub-headline says: “Democracy is in danger. The shadow of fascism is walking the streets. The Albanian people do not deserve a rightist dictatorship, which some pseudo-democrats are presenting as democracy… Voting for the Socialist Party, for its electoral program, you vote for the unprivileged majority; Vote for the worker, the peasant, the student, the intellectuals….”

13 March, page 3, has an article entitled “Why the Opposition Should Not Win” by Beqir Skreli, who gives seven reasons why the opposition presents danger for the country.

17 March, front page, has an appeal of Zëri i Popullit warning of possible DP manipulation during the elections with the support of the American embassy.

19 March, pages 3-4, have an article by Mumtaz Shehu entitled “The Intellectual Elite of the Old Regime Now to Serve the Right-Wing Opposition.” The article is the reply to a manifesto signed by some intellectuals on the eve of the elections inviting people to vote for the DP.

20 March, front page, has a campaign speech by Fatos Nano on the eve of the elections. The front page also has two statements by the president, one dealing with the issue of Albanian gold transferred to Swiss banks and one on the elections.

22 March, front page, has an article about the murder in Shkoder of an SP member named Xhemal Selimi, which the SP calls a political killing.

24 March, front page, has an article with the long headline: “The People Gave Their Verdict: DP Before a Historical Test to Fulfill Those Hopes and Promises That Gave it Victory. SP in Opposition: an Organized and Constructive Political Force, a Guarantee for Pluralism and True Democracy, a Defender of National Ideals and Human Rights.” An editorial entitled “The Victory of Democracy” explains the reasons for the Socialist Party’s loss and its new position in the opposition.

24 March, page 3, has an article entitled “The Elections of 22 March Have Taken Place Under Psychological Terror and Violations of the Electoral Law.” This covers a protest that the Steering Committee of the Socialist Party sent to the Electoral Central Commission.

25 March, page 2, has article by Hamdi Jupe entitled “The Challenge of Pluralism or Albanian Paradoxes.” The author sees a danger of authoritarianism in the overwhelming DP victory.

26 March, pages 1 and 3, have coverage of Fatos Nano’s press conference after the elections.

27 March, pages 1-2, have the speech of Servet Pellumbi, deputy head of the Socialist Party, with the title “Socialist Party in Opposition: Visions, Ideas and Problems,” in which he addresses what happened in the elections from a historical perspective.

Newspaper of the Albanian Party of Labor

Summary of Key Articles – curated and translated by Prof. Artan Puto

The January 19 paper has a report on the meeting of the Balkans Deputy Foreign Ministers who gathered in Tirana. Two days later, on January 21, the front page also covers the meeting, focusing on efforts to strengthen economic and commercial ties without mention of minorities or other delicate issues. {Albanian deputy foreign minister at the time was Muhamet Kapllani.} On January 22, page 4, there is an analysis by Shaban Murati of the deputy ministers meeting. He stresses the benefits of inter-Balkan cooperation and mentions minorities as an obstacle that can be overcome with good will, calling them a “cohesion factor.”

The April 18 paper has an article on page 4 by Sofokli Lazri, foreign policy advisor to Ramiz Alia, with the title “Serbian Nationalism and the Dangers of Yugoslavia’s Balkanization.” Lazri says that “a balkanization of multinational Yugoslavia with its central position in the Balkans would be a disaster not only for its peoples, but it would also severely affect the rapprochement and cooperation processes that have started in this region.”

On July 9, the last census statistics of communist Albania are published on page 1. The census was conducted from April 2 to 8, 1989, recording 3,182,417 inhabitants. The average annual increase since the last census was 20.1 per 1,000 inhabitants. The population is 51.5% male and 48.5% female. In cities live 35.5% and in rural áreas 64.5%. The non-ethnic Albanian population is 64,816, which equals 2% of the population. Of this, 58,758 people have Greek nationality, 4,697 Macedonians, 100 Montenegrins, Serbs, Croats, etc. and 1,261 other nationalities.

On August 3, pg. 4, Shaban Murati has an article entitled “Why Did Perestroika Become the Subject of US-USSR Diplomatic Talks.” (Note: At the time, perestroika is still viewed as synonymous with capitalist reforms. Murati was later ambassador to Macedonia under Sali Berisha and served as his foreign relations advisor.)

August 12, page 4, has an article by Elmas Leci entitled “Sufficient Level” about the Gorbachev defense doctrine. It presents the government and party’s view that perestroka represents an aggressive policy also in the military sphere.

On August 15, the front page has a short article about the first trip Albania of Mother Teresa. It reads: “There has arrived in Tirana for a private visit the well-known Albanian philanthropist, winner of the Nobel Prize, Gonxhe Bojaxhiu. She came to Albania with the desire and longing to see her country and to pay homage to the graves of her relatives in Tirana. Mother Teresa was born in Skopje to Albanian parents in 1910. After receiving the relevant education, she worked for several years as a teacher in Calcutta, India. Later, she devoted herself entirely to the activity of her charity in helping sick, poor, abandoned people, victims of war and natural disasters in India and in many other countries of the world. For her selfless activity she has been honored with high prizes by countries and organizations in various international events. In 1979, she was awarded the “Nobel Peace Prize.” At the airport, she was received by the head of the Albanian Red Cross, Ciril Pistoli, the head of Cultural and Friendly Relations with the Outside World, Jorgo Melica, and others.” {Note: no mention of Mother Teresa’s religious affiliations or activities. She was hosted by the Red Cross rather than the government.}

On August 16, the front page reports that Mother Teresa has visited kindergartens, her family’s graves, and the cemeteries of the martyrs of the homeland and Hoxha’s grave. On August 17, the front page, an article reports on her meeting with Enver Hoxha’s wife, Nexhmije, who appreciated the work Mother Theresa has done with the por. She also met then-Minister of Foreign Affairs Reiz Malile. The August 18 paper has a short article about the end of Mother Teresa’s visit.

August 18, page 4, has an article about the efforts to create a new government in Poland by Arben Karapici. {Note: The government viewed reform in Poland as less sensitive than other East Europe countries, perhaps because of changes since 1981 and the view that the country was already steering towards capitalism}. On August 23, page 4, there’s an article entitled “The Romanian People Celebrate the 45th Anniversary of Liberation” by Shkelqim Beqari, which covers the the country’s achievements during the years after the Second World War. Likewise, on the front page of the August 24 paper, there’s an article about the opening of a photo exhibition called “Romania 1944-1989.” {Note: Romania was viewed as more immovably in the Eastern bloc.}

August 26, page 4, has an article entitled “The Logical End of the Revisionist Course” written by professor Agim Popa, which covers the international challenges facing the party’s Central Committee. Popa mentions recent events in Poland and Hungary, and treats them as the capitulation to revisionists and the surrender of power to anti-communist capitalist elements. The article makes a nuanced distinction between the revisionists, who have long betrayed socialism, and the openly anti-communist forces. The former, although harshly criticized, do not get viewed as negatively as the latter, who seek to destroy the socialist order and replace it with right-wing forces.

August 30, page 4, has an article entitled “National Crisis – a Blow to Perestroika” by Shkelqim Beqari which says that perestroika has failed to solve national problems, such as the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

August 31, page 4, runs an ATSH news service article on the publication of Russian writer Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s book “The Gulag Archipelago,” which is described as the rehabilitation of counter-revolutionaries.

September 6, page 4, has an article entitled “Perestroika Promotes Social Polarization” by Dalip Çota, who stresses that perestroika has widened the gap between social groups, further impoverishing women workers and creating a wealthy class.

September 9, page 4, has an article by Sokol Gjoka entitled “The Bulgarian People on the 45th Anniversary of Liberation.” {Note: Once called “revisionist,” Bulgaria is here praised for successful economic development, perhaps because it has not seen reform as in Poland and Hungary.}

September 12, page 4, has a short article without comment from ATSH on Hungary opening its border with Austria to allow thousands of East Germans to cross to the West.  There’s also an article about the formation of the new Polish government, where Solidarnost took most of the seats. Although without comment, one paragraph mentions the poor economic situation in the country due to market reforms with serious social consequences.

September 22, page 4, has an ATSH news item on Poland entitled “Next Year the Market Economy will be Established” and the subtitle “Difficult Economic Situation Deepens.” {Note: Typical of news coverage about dramatic events in East Europe is short articles that emphasize a worsening economic situation.}

September 29, page 1, covers the report of Ramiz Alia to the 8th plenary session of the party’s Central Committee held in Tirana on September 25, 1989. He criticized Gorbachev as a revisionist traitor who, with his perestroika and counter-revolutionary reform, is leading the process of transitioning Soviet society and other East European countries to capitalism. Alia said:

“The developments in the international situation and the increase of opportunism, as a consequence of revisionist betrayal, bring about a change of forces ratio; they affect the relations among states, alliances and military blocs; they affect the balance established in one or another area.

These developments are reflected also in economic relations. Our Party cannot ignore this phenomenon, because they take place around us and in different ways and sizes have their impact on us, on the relations of our country with other countries, on our struggle to build socialism. Therefore, we should carefully observe these processes, study them, try to foresee forthcoming events, in order never to be caught by surprise; elaborate the necessary stands so that they can respond to the protection of the interests of the country, the protection of socialism and the cause of peoples’ war and revolution. It is our duty to be active in the activities of foreign relations to strengthen the political position of our country.

Vigilance should be sharp; the political level of the masses–raised; the economic development rates–progressive; the competency of defense–high; and the diplomatic activity–skilful. All of this should be inspired and led by the Party.”

October 1, pages 3-4, have an article entitled “What is the Pluralism that Serves the Bourgeoisie” by prof. Vangjel Moisiu, who says an advertising campaign has begun in revisionist countries for the bourgeois practice of political pluralism. This is seen as the logical result of ongoing revisionist counter-revolution.

October 7, page 4, has an article by Sokol Gjoka “On the 40th Anniversary of the Creation of the German Democratic Republic,” which evaluates the countries post-war achievements and relations with West Germany.

October 11, page 4, has an article entitled “Fruit of the Ideology of Counter-Revolutionary Reformism” by Arben Karapicin, who severely criticizes the reorganization of socialist parties in eastern countries, such as Poland and Hungary, according to the social democratic model.

October 21, page 4, has another article by Sokol Gjoka entitled “The Outstretched Hand of Revisionism Towards Capital,” in which he stresses the economic dependence of countries such as the USSR, Poland and Hungary on western capital.

October 28, pages 3-4, has an article by Shaban Murati entitled “Communism Did Not Fail in Eastern Countries, but Its Deformation.” He argues that socialism remains an alternative to capitalism and a clear example of this is Albania.

October 29, page 4, has an article by Liliana Hoxha entitled “Capital Applauds the Removal of Communist Symbols.” She harshly criticizes the rehabilitation of counter-revolutionary figures such as Imre Nagy in Hungary (Note: who led the 1956 uprising against the Soviet-backed government).

November 7, page 4, has an article by Dr. Adem Mezinit entitled “Revisionist Betrayal Cannot Weaken the Strength of the October Ideas.” He argues that the values of the October revolution are still alive and that they cannot be extinguished by the “new Gorbachevian political thought.”

On November 14, the front page, has a summary of the speeches at a conference dedicated to literature, organized in the framework of the 45th anniversary of the liberation of the homeland, including a speech by Ismail Kadare praising the new socialist order.

November 29, the first three pages, cover the celebration of the 45th anniversary of the country’s liberation, highlighting the speech of Albanian Prime Minister Adil Çarçani, who presents developments in East Europe as a logical consequence of the failure of revisionism rather than communism.

December 13, front page, has the speech by Ramiz Alia delivered at the meeting of the Professional Associations. Among other points, he says:

“There are foreigners who ask: will there be processes in Albania like those that happen in Eastern Europe? We answer categorically, no, there won’t be. Why? First of all, Albania is not the East. Albania and the European East have developed on completely different ideological, political, economic and social paths. Therefore, the problems are not and cannot be the same. The crisis that has involved the countries of the East is a crisis of today’s community certain, of what was called “socialist community”, but not of socialism, as theory and practice. Therefore, the events that happen there do not belong to us.”

December 20, the front page, has an item from ATSH refuting a report in (Yugoslav government news agency) Tanjug about a demonstration in Shkoder and the killing of four Albanian citizens on the border with Greece.

December 21, page 4, has a short article about developments in Timisoara, Romania. The news refers to Romanian leader Nicolae Ceauşescu, who described the events as organized by revanchist and imperialist circles.

December 23, page 4, has a news item from ATSH entitled “Ceauşescu Removed from Power.” The article says a “Committee of National Salvation” has been created in Bucharest.

December 26, front page, has a short news item about Albania expressing its desire to further develop relations with Romania, including that Romanians can determine their own internal affairs. {Note: This is after a statement about recent events by the Albanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Romanian embassy in Tirana.}

December 26, page 4, has a short news item entitled “About Events in Romania,” which briefly mentions the killing of Ceauşescu.

December 30 paper runs a government decision allowing farmers to keep some livestock is published, seen as a response to events in Romania. This measure is described as an effort to “speed up meeting the people’s meat needs.”

Zëri i Popullit

December 26, 1989

On December 25, 1989, the Romanian embassy in Albania informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Albania about the events leading to the fall of  Ceausescu and his clan in Romania.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs made known to the Romanian embassy that Albania has respected and respects the right of the Romanian people, in freedom and full sovereignty, to decide themselves on their own inner affairs. The ministry also expressed the friendly feelings that the Albanian people have for the Romanian people and the desire of the Albanian government to further develop the good relations that exist between the two countries.

In this meeting, the representative of the Romanian embassy in Tirana said that the officials of the embassy support the Temporary Council of the National Salvation Front of Rumania and its program.

(Albanian Telegraphic Agency)